self-control

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self-con·trol

(self'kŏn-trōl'),
1. Self-regulation of one's behavior in accordance with personal beliefs, goals, attitudes and societal expectations.
2. A person's use of active coping strategies to deal with problem situations, in contrast to passive conditioning strategies that do things to the person and require no action by that person.

self-control

(sĕlf′kən-trōl′)
n.
Control of one's emotions, desires, or actions by one's own will.

self′-con·trolled′ adj.

self-con·trol

(self'kŏn-trōl')
1. Self-regulation of one's behavior in accordance with personal beliefs, goals, attitudes, and societal expectations.
2. Use by a person of active coping strategies to deal with problem situations, in contrast to passive conditioning strategies that do things to the person and require no response.

self-con·trol

(self'kŏn-trōl')
1. Self-regulation of one's behavior in accordance with personal beliefs, goals, attitudes, and societal expectations.
2. A person's use of active coping strategies to deal with problem situations.
References in periodicals archive ?
For the group that received contrary instructions in Session 2, there were 23 participants: 11 impulsive, 4 self-controlled, 6 not classified, and 2 no-shows.
During the second session the instructions varied depending on the instructional condition that was in effect--Contrary, Consistent, or Elaborate Contrary Instructions--and the participant's categorization as impulsive or self-controlled (participants categorized as not determined received the same instructions as the self-controlled participants but their data were not formally analyzed and are not discussed further).
Under contrary instructions, the self-controlled participants received the following instructions in Part 1:
In the consistent condition, the instructions were the same as in the contrary condition but the recipients were reversed: Impulsive participants were told which key caused the tape to start sooner and self-controlled participants were told which key caused the tape to play for a longer period of a time.
The graph shows the mean choice proportions for the immediate, small reinforcer among impulsive and self-controlled participants in the second half of Session 1 (open bars) and in both halves of Session 2 combined (shaded bars).
Figure 2 presents the mean choice proportions in Sessions 1 and 2 for impulsive and self-controlled participants who received the elaborate contrary instructions.
Among self-controlled participants, there was virtually no change in preference from Session 1 to Session 2.
Thus, whereas choice in impulsive participants was modifiable by elaborate biasing instructions, choice in self-controlled participants was not.
In contrast, 8 of 9 self-controlled participants continued to show self-control in both parts of Session 2, and none showed impulsivity in both parts, even after being told how much more quickly they would receive reinforcement on the nonpreferred schedule.
However, these instructions were not sufficient to produce predominantly self-controlled choice.
By analogy, impulsive participants in the present study may have had higher discounting rates than the self-controlled participants.
However, the results of the delay-no delay group suggest that even if many immediate reinforcers are available, impulsiveness can be precluded if self-controlled responding is already occurring.