See THALER & SUNSTEIN, supra note 1, at 108-09 (describing automatic enrollment as a salutary libertarian
paternalist intervention).
Rational citizens may well maintain their freedom of choice under libertarian
paternalist regulations, but those are not the people who need to learn from their mistakes.
by the new
paternalists, that culture itself can be a source of better
By defining intervention in terms of government-enacted laws and limiting intervention to "cases of obvious harm," Conly posits a
paternalist system "that forces people to act, or refrain from acting, according to their best interests" (p.
But it is also a welcome challenge to a currently fashionable theory that libertarians and
paternalists alike should read with pleasure.
Or ends
paternalists might believe that certain sexual
quintessential Southern
paternalist who will finally be dethroned by the
One argument against paternalistic coercion makes two related claims: (1) The
paternalist, as an external party, lacks sufficient knowledge of a potential recipient's own chosen structure of values and preferences to make an informed decision to coerce the recipient; (2) the person herself, as the creator of her own structure of values and preferences, is in the best position to know her good.
This also helps to explain why `active labour market policies' are so popular in social-democratic Scandinavia and why workfare seems to be more frankly of the strong
paternalist form there that elsewhere (Janoski 1994; Kildal 1999; Grubb 2000).
Between 1880 and 1920, the years that Link examines, industrialization swept across the South, new towns and hamlets sprung up along the railroads, the populations of already-established urban areas mushroomed, thousands left the countryside for the factories, and middle-class
paternalists underwent a dramatic ideological transformation, yet for Link poor white southerners--the very people caught up in this vortex of change--remained the same.
To understand Gaskell's attitude not only to paternalism, but, equally important, to fundamental liberal doctrines, we need to look closely at the debate between
paternalists and liberals at the mid-century, whose starting point was the social condition of the working classes but which embraced wider issues regarding the ethical foundations of society and the quality of life in industrialism.
Housing and Urban Development Secretary Jack Kemp has been pushing enterprise zones for more than a decade, and my colleague Stuart Butler even longer than that, but the big-government
paternalists have bottled up the legislation.
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