The problem Schocket creates by calling some liberals essentialists, however, is that he contradicts his central contention that "battles over the contemporary memory of the American Revolution serve as proxies for America's contemporary ideological divide." If battles over the contemporary memory of the American Revolution are being fought between "essentialists" and "organicists," but liberals and conservatives can be either, then these labels do not serve as proxies for today's political divisions.
SCHOCKET'S DIAGNOSIS IS, NONETHELESS, stronger than his remedy, which is that scholars should portray essentialist and organicist themes "in tandem." This involves depicting "persevering generals and heroic slaves, lone tribunes of liberty and boisterous tavern politicians, cruel patriots and suffering loyalists, wise framers and blundering bureaucrats, strident partisans and fearful disaffected, a glorious cause and bone-breaking devastation" together.
Organicists. Name given to an eclectic mix of biologists who argued for an important role for the environment in shaping the phenotype and directing the future course of evolution.
Before discussing the Organicist position, it is important to recognize what this position was not: it was not a compromise between Neo-Lamarckism and Neo-Darwinism.
Despite the organicist
bias of Worms, there was no uniform belief in either national or international settings in an indelible human nature.
Muslim nationalists in Egypt were grouped loosely into two camps, "modernist" and "organicist
." The division corresponded to divergent perspectives on the position of religion -- overwhelmingly, of Islam -- in the formation of the state and the construction of a unifying national identity.(6) Islamic modernists, emerging late in the nineteenth century, declared their intent to separate the Prophet Muhammad's received message and exemplary practice in the earliest Muslim community from later layers of doctrine and practice accumulated as Islam spread geographically and ramified in its political structures and intellectual elaborations.
notion of the aesthetic is thus seen as that ominous "aestheticization of the political" against which Walter Benjamin warned, in a phrase that finds itself, like much else in his work, echoed anachronistically as a postmodern credo.
Ever since Bill Buckley's "fusionist" movement succeeded in melding the religious, organicist
philosophy of Russell Kirk with the unfettered worship of markets exemplified by the teachings of Friedrich von Hayek, would-be conservative intellectuals in America have been involved in a rather transparent con game.