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The domestic Communist threat to law and order in Japan and its foreign origins were a key concern for Murai (1952) and other intelligence officials and would feature in plans to establish a JCIA.
Despite US cooperation, the Japanese government was unable to establish a JCIA in the 1950s.
The decision to abandon the JCIA proposal in the early 1950s was not simply the result of the "pulling and hauling" and bargaining among different players in the governmental decisionmaking process, which the bureaucratic politics model highlights (see Allison 1971).
22) These rivalries extended beyond the US occupation, were embedded in Japan's bureaucratic structures, and negatively impacted plans for a JCIA.
It was the Japanese prime minister who is believed to have initially approached Willoughby for advice in establishing a JCIA.
Events surrounding Ogata's proposal for a JCIA in November 1952 and Murai's involvement in the so-called black market dollar incident in September 1953 demonstrate clearly the obstacles that arose from sectionalism within organizations, both bureaucratic and political.
An acknowledged HUMINT capability was, in fact, one element of an ambitious three-point plan for a JCIA that Murai had earlier proposed.
Ogata's revised proposal called for cuts to the proposed budget and staff numbers, and, more importantly, only a minor expansion and upgrade of the existing CRC's capabilities rather than the creation of a JCIA (Arima 2010a, 196; Inoue 2008, 46).
Together, the removal from power of these three advocates of a more robust intelligence system contributed to the failure of the JCIA plan.
At the same time, an additional obstacle to the JCIA proposal emerged from within the Diet and mass media.
32) As the discussion below highlights, antimilitarism helped shape the thinking of important political actors, which served to frustrate plans for a JCIA.
Ogata did enough during the war to be purged from politics in 1946 and to be a person of concern for those on the left opposed to plans to establish a JCIA.
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