surveillance

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surveillance

 [sur-vāl´ans]
1. watching or monitoring.
2. a procedure used instead of quarantine to control the spread of infectious disease, involving close supervision during the incubation period of possible contacts of individuals exposed to an infectious disease.
3. in the nursing interventions classification, a nursing intervention defined as the purposeful and ongoing acquisition, interpretation, and synthesis of patient data for clinical decision-making.
surveillance: community in the nursing interventions classification, a nursing intervention defined as purposeful and ongoing acquisition, interpretation, and synthesis of data for decision-making in the community.
surveillance: late pregnancy in the nursing interventions classification, a nursing intervention defined as the purposeful and ongoing acquisition, interpretation, and synthesis of maternal-fetal data for treatment, observation, or admission. See also pregnancy.
surveillance and/or observation a nursing intervention in the nursing minimum data set; action through which the nurse examines and monitors physical and behavioral responses to disease or injury and to the prescribed medical and/or nursing therapy.
surveillance: remote electronic in the nursing interventions classification, a nursing intervention defined as purposeful and ongoing acquisition of patient data via electronic modalities (telephone, video conferencing, e-mail) from distant locations as well as interpretation and synthesis of patient data for clinical decision-making with individuals or populations. See also telehealth.
surveillance: safety in the nursing interventions classification, a nursing intervention defined as the purposeful and ongoing collection and analysis of information about the patient and the environment for use in promoting and maintaining patient safety.
skin surveillance in the nursing interventions classification, a nursing intervention defined as the collection and analysis of patient data to maintain skin and mucous membrane integrity. See also skin care.
surveillance (omaha) in the omaha system, an intervention on the first level of the intervention scheme, defined as nursing activities of detection, measurement, critical analysis, and monitoring to indicate client status in relation to a given condition or phenomenon.

sur·veil·lance

(sŭr-vā'lănts),
1. The collection, collation, analysis, and dissemination of data; a type of observational study that involves continuous monitoring of disease occurrence within a population.
2. Ongoing scrutiny, generally using methods distinguished by practicability, uniformity, or rapidity, rather than complete accuracy.
[Fr. surveiller, to watch over, fr. L. super- + vigilo, to watch]

surveillance

(1) The ongoing observation of the health of individuals or populations.
(2) The monitoring of diseases that have a known prevalence in a population.
(3) The ongoing systematic collection, analysis, interpretation, and reporting of health data.

surveillance

Epidemiology
1. The monitoring of diseases that have a certain prevalence in a population.
2. The ongoing systematic collection, analysis, interpretation, and reporting of health data. See Epidemiologic surveillance, Fluoride surveillance, Health surveillance, HIV surveillance, Immunosurveillance, Medical surveillance, Public health surveillance, Sentinel surveillance, Site-specific surveillance.

sur·veil·lance

(sŭr-vā'lăns)
1. The collection, collation, analysis, and dissemination of data; a type of observational study that involves continuous monitoring of disease occurrence within a population.
2. Ongoing scrutiny, generally using methods distinguished by practicability, uniformity, and rapidity, rather than complete accuracy.
[Fr. surveiller, to watch over, fr. L. super- + vigilo, to watch]

sur·veil·lance

(sŭr-vā'lăns)
1. Collection, collation, analysis, and dissemination of data.
2. Ongoing scrutiny, generally using methods distinguished by practicability and rapidity, rather than complete accuracy.
[Fr. surveiller, to watch over, fr. L. super- + vigilo, to watch]
References in periodicals archive ?
Americans' privacy strategies post-Snowden reported on by the Pew are similarly indicative of broad ambiguity, rather than generalizable societal anxiety, regarding government dataveillance practices (Shelton et al., 2015).
Call the phenomenon "dataveillance" if you wish, but it is an inevitable product of our increasing reliance on the Internet and global communications systems.
The ever-present threat of surveillance through the collection and processing of personal data, which Roger Clarke terms 'dataveillance', (127) thereby inhibits individual decision-making and creates the conditions for a form of self-censorship.
The Transportation Department is reportedly considering the development of a "dataveillance" program (in Rosen's terminology) that will review travelers' real-estate histories, living arrangements, and similar personal data, so that it can assign them color-coded risk levels--red, green, and yellow.
Combine this with the fact that cyberspace makes data collection and analysis exponentially cheaper than in real space, and we have what Roger Clarke has identified as the genuine threat of "dataveillance."(136) "Dataveillance," a term coined by Roger Clarke, refers to the "systematic use of personal data systems in the investigation or monitoring of the actions or communications of one or more persons."(137) According to Colin Bennet, "[t]he term dataveillance has been coined to describe the surveillance practices that the massive collection and storage of vast quantities of personal data have facilitated."(138) Dataveillance is thus a new form of surveillance, a method of watching not through the eye or the camera, but by collecting facts and data.
Instead of investigating crime (which is reactive) law enforcement agencies are increasingly tracking certain social classes and races of people living in red-lined areas before crime is committed--a form of pre-emptive policing deemed dataveillance which is based on military models of gathering huge quantities of low-grade intelligence."
For the author, such benefits are one crucial reason why citizens do not publicly protest against, nor perhaps see, the unprecedented invasion of their personal privacy that results from the global growth of "dataveillance" (Bennett, 1996:
The truth is that "dataveillance"--a term that recently slipped into the lexicon--has be come a standard business tool in getting to know customers and why data-gathering companies, sometimes known as look-up services such as Lexis-Nexis and Equifax, have grown by leaps and bounds.
This new fear reflects the emergence of a sophisticated system of private surveillance -- or dataveillance, as David Shenk calls it in his new book, Data Smog -- that is rapidly overshadowing threats from the state.
SOURCES: COVERTACTION QUARTERLY, Spring 1996, "Big Brother Goes High-Tech," by David Banisar, pp 6-13,; INSIGHT, 8/19/96, "Access, Privacy and Power," by Michael Rust and Susan Crabtree, pp 8-10; and 9/9/96, "New Surveillance Camera Cheers Police, Worries ACLU," by Joyce Price, p 41 (Reprint from Washington Times); 21 + C, February 1996, "Dataveillance," by Mark Nixon, pp 30-36.
Clarke, "Information Technology and Dataveillance," Communications of the ACM, 31, 5 (1988): 498-512.
93, 96-109 (2014) (discussing privacy harms associated with the use of predictive analytics); Benjamin Zhu, Note, A Traditional Tort for a Modern Threat: Applying the Intrusion Upon Seclusion to Dataveillance Observations, 89 N.Y.U.