Then, I show, using a logistic regression model of association, that the presence of patrilineality in a society is an important factor in a t model that would predict women being restricted from religious rituals in preindustrial societies.
Previously tested cross-cultural explanations for restricting women in a society in either politics, general social situations or religion have included: sex of God, sex of significant ancestors, men's fear of sex, monotheism, animal husbandry, male focused inheritance patterns, agriculture, patrilocality and patrilineality, political complexity, and the presence of classic religion.
Combining these variables captures how patriarchal domination occurs with a matrix of traits, but does not allow us to test Nancy Jay's insights about patrilineality and the relationship to religious rituals.
The recent ethnographic accounts of both Maurice Godelier and Carol Delaney suggest that in some societies a sense of patrilineality preceded individual-based property inheritance rules.
At the same time, the idiom of patrilineality, as a first principle, is demonstrated by the Vahoi disputant's genealogical argument.
The Vahoi man's appeal to patrilineality as an over-riding principle could be portentous, for example, if recourse to the local land court, rather than traditional negotiation, becomes a trend and if the land court for its part shifts toward a common law interpretation of its work.
But while a fundamental material concern of iduhu is land the idiom of patrilineality, so commonly breached in recruitment practice, appears to be a significant component of their historical identity and in this respect the iduhu kwarana is focal.
Analyzing land-holding and residence patterns allows us to go more deeply into the question of patrilineality in Ankave society.
Above all, it is clear that Ankave procreation 'theories' do not speak of patrilineality.
Let us now try to discover the other social loci where Ankave patrilineality is expressed.