morpheme

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Related to Inflectional morpheme: free morpheme, Derivational morpheme

mor·pheme

(mōr'fēm),
The smallest linguistic unit with a meaning.
[G. morphē, form + -eme, from phoneme, G. phēmē, utterance]

morpheme

The smallest semantically meaningful unit of a spoken language (words, prefixes or suffixes) that have discrete meanings. The formal study of morphemes is termed morphology.

morpheme

(mor'fem)
The smallest meaningful grammatical unit in a language (e.g., the s in “beds”).
See: phoneme

morpheme

The smallest element of speech that conveys either factual or grammatical information. Compare with phoneme which is a speech sound that serves to distinguish one word from another.
References in periodicals archive ?
3) Morphological development: ages at which the child started using inflectional morphemes in each language.
As pointed out earlier, in languages with rich inflectional systems such as Spanish, it is difficult to establish for certain the exact number of inflectional morphemes and the exact point at which such morphemes should be analyzed as independent; furthermore, it is very likely that the MLU value would be higher in a richly inflected language than it would be in a language with poor morphology such is the case in English.
en blinder 'a blind person'), a context that allows the development of derogatory meaning and the following reanalysis of the inflectional morpheme as a derivational suffix with derogatory meaning (e.
16) In sum, these Zulu aphasics do show errors in their use of inflectional morphemes, but their early system morphemes (noun-class prefixes) are much more accurate than their late system morphemes (agreement prefixes).
Having excluded tightly coordinated nouns from consideration, we can conclude that the Turkish morphological system exhibits a split behavior between derivational morphemes and inflectional ones: unlike inflectional morphemes, derivational morphemes cannot have scope over conjuncts and hence they cannot be suspended.
While all nominal inflectional morphemes can terminate a word, only a small number of verbal inflectional categories can do so.
Modern Castilian seems to be explicit enough in pointing to the participial or the adjectival status of the predicate: preparado is participle of PREPARAR in Todas las estudiantes han PREPARADO sus ejercicios 'All the (female) students have prepared their tasks', whereas the same form is adjective PREPARADO, which takes on respective inflectional morphemes to meet the requirements of concord: for instance, Todas las estudiantes estan PREPARADAS 'All the (female) students are prepared/ready'.
Like some of the derivational morphemes, those of the type {ly} and {ing}, inflectional morphemes add no lexical meaning to the base.
Indeed, in L1 acquisition, inflectional paradigms are always acquired completely, inflectional errors of commission are uncommon, and inflectional morphemes are often used consistently.
On the other hand, under the assumption that morphology is what makes languages different (Chomsky 1995; Borer 1984), one expects the process of (ab)normal language acquisition of tense to be affected by the syntactic properties of the inflectional morphemes of the language the child is acquiring, as argued for in section 2.
Indeed several questions concerning how the relationship between inflectional morphemes and syntactic operations is acquired still await answer.